Prof Rempel lecture: Reaction and Reform

Site Network: café historia - our news site | who we are | site map | terms | cookies | image use | contact us | click to see who is online with you!

      casahistoria - web site for students of modern history!

                                       

 
Reaction and Reform under Alexander II & III

This is a reprint of an article by
Professor Gerhard Rempel, who was Professor of History at Western New England College, Springfield, Massachusetts. The lecture is provided here as it would seem to be no longer available online.

 

 


The Zemstvos: Uncertainty About Local Self-Government.



The Zemstvos, a peculiar Russian form of local self-government, were introduced as part of the reforms following the emancipation of the serfs. They were supposed to concern themselves primarily with local economic needs:

1. the upkeep of roads and bridges, providing of means of conveyance for police and other officials;
2. maintenance of prisons, hospitals, and lunatic asylums;
3. promotion of industry, commerce and agriculture;
4. prevention of famine;
5. advancement of public health and education;
6. relief of the poor.


In the exercise of these functions the zemstvos were autonomous, at least in theory, but they had no executive powers and depended for the carrying out of their decisions on the cooperation of police and other crown officials over whom they had no control. Their work was further handicapped by lack of funds. The revenue of the zemstvos was derived from local rates on agricultural land, urban real estate, commerce and industry, that is sources already heavily drawn upon by the central government.

Count Valuev, the chairman of the committee that drew up the draft of local self-government, the zemstvo stature of 1864, favored the predominance of the nobility. He wanted to keep the zemstvo institutions under close administrative supervision in order to prevent the forming of a "state within a state." The denial of adequate funds was one manifestation of the hostility of the ruling bureaucracy toward local self-government. The zemstvo were only an appendix not an integral part of local self-government. Lenin called them a "fifth wheel." Count Witte, the somewhat liberal prime minister at the turn of the century, said they were a compromise between two hostile views: they failed to meet the requirements of local self-government and they could not be integrated in the bureaucracy either.

The Zemstvos were tolerated by the imperial bureaucracy only as long as its power was not at stake. From the 1880s on the zemstvos struggled to defend their rights. During the 1877-1878 War the liberal leaders of the zemstvos took part in the struggle for constitutional reforms. These liberals were largely dvoriane of modest means who hired an army of employees from the ranks of the radical intelligentsia: doctors, nurses, teachers and professors. The actual influence of these middle-class or "third estate" representatives was strong in the councils that determined zemstvo policy.

The zemstvos had representatives on the boards of local schools, they soon developed their own free zemstvo schools. These zemstvo schools were the most promising part of the institutions of the zemstvo in terms of significant reforms. While the zemstvos financed these schools, the Ministry of Education controlled them however. The zemstvo graduates emerged as the chief agents for the advancement of elementary eduction in Russia. The expenditure for the zemstvo schools increased rapidly. Their own fully organized school, however, did not emerge until the end of the century.

Zemstvo officials kept urging liberal reforms on the imperial government, although at first they kept aloof from political issues. Even Valuev dissolved the St. Petersburg Zemstvo because he disapproved of the tenor of their debates and their refusal to comply with restrictive tax law of 1866 which limited the power to tax industrial and commercial enterprises. In 1867 the presiding officer of the zemstvo was given he right to limit the scope of debates and to prohibit the publication of proceedings without authorization of administrative officials. Because of these restrictions the zemstvos declined in the 1870s.

But they revived again during the war of 1877-1878. An informal zemstvo union was formed soon thereafter. The Zemstvo of Chernigov even appealed for liberal reforms in 1878, such as the freedom of the press, to stem the tide of social unrest. Many leaders of the zemstvos were arrested by the police. The text of this appeal for freedom of the press was circulated illegally. But overall the zemstvo liberal appeal and protest was limited.

Under Alexander III, the arch-reactionary, it was thought that the Zemstvo Act of 1864 had gone too far toward social equality. By impairing the leading position of the nobility, it was endangering the class structure of Russia. Now the spirit of the counter-reforms set in, as it did in all other aspects of Russian society at the end of the 19th century. A new Zemstvo Act of 1890 had the imprint of the aggressively reactionary Count Tolstoy, Alexander's chief minister, and his successor, Durnovo (1889-1895). The most important thing the Act of 1890 did was to create "land captains." They were nobles appointed by the crown with extensive administrative and juridical functions.

Tolstoy deplored the lack of integration of the zemstvo and the crown institutions. The zemstvo was considered something apart from the state in the Act of 1864. Hence they elected their own executive organs and had autonomy in the local economy and the welfare program. So there was hostility between the zemstvos and the state. The solution of Tolstoy was to regard the zemstvo functions as part of the state functions. But instead of freeing the zemstvo from state interference, Tolstoy wanted to limit them even more by more representation for the nobility and more state control.

The Zemstvo Act of 1890 revised the 1864 law by having the elections of country zemstvo assemblies segregated on a class basis:

nobles
other classes except peasants
peasants.


Ownership of land or some real estate was required in order to vote for class 1 and 2. The peasants voted indirectly: each township had one candidate from which group the provincial governor appointed the number of peasants prescribed by law. Women and Jews were specifically disenfranchised.

The result of this arrangements was that 57.1 percent of the seats went to the nobility, 29.6 percent to the peasants, and 13.3 percent to other classes. The nobility was clearly the dominant factor now in the zemstvo leadership. Marshals of the nobility became ex officio chairmen of the individual zemstvos and the bureaucracy had wide powers over the affairs of the zemstvos. Professional people appointed by the zemstvos had to be approved by the provincial governors. The Minister of the Interior could remove and control the members of zemstvo executive boards. Even the decisions of the zemstvo assemblies had to be approved by the Minister of the Interior. Such decisions were not effective for two weeks, during which time these decisions could be suspended if they were considered to be "dangerous to public policy" or "local interests" by crown officials. The provincial governors also meddled with zemstvo finance.

Yet, despite all of these efforts by the government to limit the influence and effectiveness oft he zemstvo institutions, they became centers of liberal and radical opposition to the old regime. The longing for real autonomy in local self-government persisted and could not be suppressed.

The zemstvos unfortunately never carried their liberalism far enough to advocate free trade. There were other limits to their liberalism. In 1892 they were forced to finance church schools by the procurator of the Orthodox Church. Jews once more were excluded from having anything to do with the zemstvos - probably at the behest of the church and anti-semitic bureaucrats.

Yet, in 1890 the liberals in the zemstvos revealed increasing activity. They wanted more popular representation and a central zemstvo organization to enhance their influence. Zemstvo officials addressed Nicholas II when he came to power, calling for concessions and for the rule of law and representative assemblies. But Nicholas said these were senseless dreams. When a zemstvo conference was held in 1896, any further meetings of this nature were forbidden. The zemstvos then became bolder and passed resolutions calling for compulsory school attendance and the abolition of corporal punishment. They also pushed fort he unionization of their employees, the so-called "third element."

The government soon cracked down on this unionization movement. Elected officials of the zemstvos were refused confirmation and the conventions of professional men were closely supervised. Petitions of the zemstvo assemblies were ignored. Count Witte, in 1899, argued that local self-government was incompatible with the whole idea of autocracy Communication between municipalities and the zemstvo was prohibited in 1900. Then a severe blow was delivered to zemstvo finances in 1901 when tax rates were limited to 3 percent of assessed valuation of real estate. The basic rights of the zemstvos were being whittled away bit by bit.

Despite all this, an illegal zemstvo conference was held in Moscow in 1901. Thereafter such conferences met at irregular intervals and became the chief organ of liberal opinion in the country. Many zemstvo leaders campaigned for a constitution. Many joined the underground movement. It was the zemstvos which took a lead in organizing the Union of Liberation, an important element in the revolutionary movement that led to the 1905 Revolution and beyond.

 

 


Restrictions on Ethnic, Religious and Social Groups


Blowing hot and cold - reform and reaction - can also be illustrated by taking a look at religious and ethnic policy toward the end of the 19th century. The application of orthodoxy and nationality to domestic affairs manifested itself int he intensification of administrative centralization and in the persecution of ethnic and religious minorities.

Alexander, the "Liberator" (II) was influenced by the ultra-conservative Pobedonostsev and Katkov. Pobedonostsev was the chief procurator of the church between 1880 and 1905, and the tutor of Alexander III and Nicholas II. He hated the constitution and advocated the "moral union" of autocracy and the people. Religious bigotry and nationalistic intolerance were the basic motifs of Pobedonostsev's life and policy. Katkov, a journalist, published the "Moscow News", which influenced official policy and promoted a virulent chauvinism and ultra-conservatism.

In 1881, after the assassination of Alexander II, a state of emergency statute was issued. It gave government administrators extra-judicial and wide executive powers. They could issue fines without recourse to the courts, make arrests on their own, and sequester property if they felt like it. Must legal jurisdiction was transferred to military tribunals. Schools were frequently closed. Publications which the government did not like were suspended. Officials who revealed liberal tendencies were removed. This reactionary statute was renewed repeatedly until the revolution of 1917. This trend continued and became more dominant when Tolstoy succeeded Ignatiev in the Ministry of the Interior. Tolstoy had been the reactionary minister of education under Alexander II.

The integration of local self-government with the crown administration became more or less complete. The introduction of "land captains" in 1889 and the Zemstvo Act of 1890 accomplished this purpose. Then the municipal government act of 1892 finished the process. The property franchise practically excluded most of the common people from participation in government. The bulk of the urban population was disfranchised as well. Jews were totally disfranchised. Even in the so-called "Jewish Pale," a huge Jewish ghetto in Western Russia, only one tenth of the officials were Jewish. The land captains took over from the justices of the peace. The Russian judiciary declined rapidly.

In 1881 redemption, the scheme by which the "liberated" serfs paid for the land of their former owners, was made compulsory, although joint responsibility remained until 1903. The peasants still needed consent of their former owners to get a passport to leave their villages. The redemption payments were even extended to the state peasants in 1886. The tutelage or control of the village commune remained in tact. Two thirds of the village assembly had to approve the breakup of any household. Administrative officials had to approve the sale of communal lands. Peasants could not withdraw from the commune, as the law of 1861 had stipulated, even if an individual had paid his redemption fees. The old scheme of periodic repartition of village lands, always a matter for the village assembly to decide, was now regulated by the land captains. So, for all practical purposes, the peasant of Russia was still in bondage.

As fare as the urban workers were concerned, things were no better. The government intervened in disputes between the workers and their employees when it came to wages and labor contracts. There were stiff penalties for strikes and the instigation of strikes. Factory boards and inspectors supervised everything. In 1890 the government inspectors were even given the right to permit the use of child labor and night-time work for women. The government, meanwhile, instituted a high tariff policy and constantly intervened in the free flow of the economy.

It was only natural that the government should follow all this up by introducing the censorship of newspapers and other publications. The autonomy of the universities were once more eliminated. Jewish students were denied all educational opportunities.

There was systematic persecution of ethnic minorities. In Poland and the Baltic provinces, a policy of brutal Russification was inaugurated. Pobedonostsev sent letters to the tsar full of invective against Roman Catholics, Protestants, Jews, and Russian dissenters.

The Catholic clergy of Poland was constantly persecuted. Lutheran ministers in the Baltic regions were brought under indictment for various offenses against the Orthodox Church and government authorities. An orthodox cathedral was built in Reval even though there were hardly any orthodox believers in the city.

The Russian dissenters could not build new places of worship or propagate their faith. Conversion to the dissenters brought imprisonment and even exile to Siberia, while coercive missionary work by orthodox priests was promoted. Dissenters known as "Stundists" and "Dukhobors," in particular, were severely persecuted. There were frequent punitive expeditions against them, which eventually caused most of the "Dukhobors" to leave Russia in 1899. All of this was rather more significant than it sounds, since there were some 17.5 million dissenters in Russia at the time. The legal restrictions imposed on the dissenters were not removed until the Revolution of 1905.

Anti-Semitism always thrives on nationalism and religious intolerance. And so it was in Russia. The main instigators of anti-semitism were Alexander III, Pobedonostsev, D. Tolstoy, and Plehve. There was also anti-semitism in the revolutionary movement. The "People's Will" became anti-semitic since a Jew, Jessie Helfman, had been involved in the murder of Alexander II. In 1881 a wave of pogroms broke out in nearly 100 different localities. In many instances these outbreaks were instigated by or connived at by the police.

By this time there were some 650 anti-Jewish laws on the statute books. New legal restrictions were constantly added to the books. Jews could not settle in rural districts, for instance. The Pale was constricted. Quotas for Jewish students were introduced in the schools. Jews were excluded from the legal profession, the zemstvos, and municipal governments. No Jewish craftsmen were allowed outside the Pale, while some 20,000 Jewish craftsmen were expelled from the city of Moscow in 1891.

Jews could not use Christian names to hide their religious identity. The great Jewish exodus to the United States and to Palestine began at this time. In fact, the kibbutz movement in Israel got its start from these early emigrants from Russia.REFORM AND REACTION
UNDER ALEXANDER II AND III


The Zemstvos: Uncertainty About Local Self-Government.

The Zemstvos, a peculiar Russian form of local self-government, were introduced as part of the reforms following the emancipation of the serfs. They were supposed to concern themselves primarily with local economic needs:

1. the upkeep of roads and bridges, providing of means of conveyance for police and other officials;
2. maintenance of prisons, hospitals, and lunatic asylums;
3. promotion of industry, commerce and agriculture;
4. prevention of famine;
5. advancement of public health and education;
6. relief of the poor.


In the exercise of these functions the zemstvos were autonomous, at least in theory, but they had no executive powers and depended for the carrying out of their decisions on the cooperation of police and other crown officials over whom they had no control. Their work was further handicapped by lack of funds. The revenue of the zemstvos was derived from local rates on agricultural land, urban real estate, commerce and industry, that is sources already heavily drawn upon by the central government.

Count Valuev, the chairman of the committee that drew up the draft of local self-government, the zemstvo stature of 1864, favored the predominance of the nobility. He wanted to keep the zemstvo institutions under close administrative supervision in order to prevent the forming of a "state within a state." The denial of adequate funds was one manifestation of the hostility of the ruling bureaucracy toward local self-government. The zemstvo were only an appendix not an integral part of local self-government. Lenin called them a "fifth wheel." Count Witte, the somewhat liberal prime minister at the turn of the century, said they were a compromise between two hostile views: they failed to meet the requirements of local self-government and they could not be integrated in the bureaucracy either.

The Zemstvos were tolerated by the imperial bureaucracy only as long as its power was not at stake. From the 1880s on the zemstvos struggled to defend their rights. During the 1877-1878 War the liberal leaders of the zemstvos took part in the struggle for constitutional reforms. These liberals were largely dvoriane of modest means who hired an army of employees from the ranks of the radical intelligentsia: doctors, nurses, teachers and professors. The actual influence of these middle-class or "third estate" representatives was strong in the councils that determined zemstvo policy.

The zemstvos had representatives on the boards of local schools, they soon developed their own free zemstvo schools. These zemstvo schools were the most promising part of the institutions of the zemstvo in terms of significant reforms. While the zemstvos financed these schools, the Ministry of Education controlled them however. The zemstvo graduates emerged as the chief agents for the advancement of elementary eduction in Russia. The expenditure for the zemstvo schools increased rapidly. Their own fully organized school, however, did not emerge until the end of the century.

Zemstvo officials kept urging liberal reforms on the imperial government, although at first they kept aloof from political issues. Even Valuev dissolved the St. Petersburg Zemstvo because he disapproved of the tenor of their debates and their refusal to comply with restrictive tax law of 1866 which limited the power to tax industrial and commercial enterprises. In 1867 the presiding officer of the zemstvo was given he right to limit the scope of debates and to prohibit the publication of proceedings without authorization of administrative officials. Because of these restrictions the zemstvos declined in the 1870s.

But they revived again during the war of 1877-1878. An informal zemstvo union was formed soon thereafter. The Zemstvo of Chernigov even appealed for liberal reforms in 1878, such as the freedom of the press, to stem the tide of social unrest. Many leaders of the zemstvos were arrested by the police. The text of this appeal for freedom of the press was circulated illegally. But overall the zemstvo liberal appeal and protest was limited.

Under Alexander III, the arch-reactionary, it was thought that the Zemstvo Act of 1864 had gone too far toward social equality. By impairing the leading position of the nobility, it was endangering the class structure of Russia. Now the spirit of the counter-reforms set in, as it did in all other aspects of Russian society at the end of the 19th century. A new Zemstvo Act of 1890 had the imprint of the aggressively reactionary Count Tolstoy, Alexander's chief minister, and his successor, Durnovo (1889-1895). The most important thing the Act of 1890 did was to create "land captains." They were nobles appointed by the crown with extensive administrative and juridical functions.

Tolstoy deplored the lack of integration of the zemstvo and the crown institutions. The zemstvo was considered something apart from the state in the Act of 1864. Hence they elected their own executive organs and had autonomy in the local economy and the welfare program. So there was hostility between the zemstvos and the state. The solution of Tolstoy was to regard the zemstvo functions as part of the state functions. But instead of freeing the zemstvo from state interference, Tolstoy wanted to limit them even more by more representation for the nobility and more state control.

The Zemstvo Act of 1890 revised the 1864 law by having the elections of country zemstvo assemblies segregated on a class basis:

nobles
other classes except peasants
peasants.


Ownership of land or some real estate was required in order to vote for class 1 and 2. The peasants voted indirectly: each township had one candidate from which group the provincial governor appointed the number of peasants prescribed by law. Women and Jews were specifically disenfranchised.

The result of this arrangements was that 57.1 percent of the seats went to the nobility, 29.6 percent to the peasants, and 13.3 percent to other classes. The nobility was clearly the dominant factor now in the zemstvo leadership. Marshals of the nobility became ex officio chairmen of the individual zemstvos and the bureaucracy had wide powers over the affairs of the zemstvos. Professional people appointed by the zemstvos had to be approved by the provincial governors. The Minister of the Interior could remove and control the members of zemstvo executive boards. Even the decisions of the zemstvo assemblies had to be approved by the Minister of the Interior. Such decisions were not effective for two weeks, during which time these decisions could be suspended if they were considered to be "dangerous to public policy" or "local interests" by crown officials. The provincial governors also meddled with zemstvo finance.

Yet, despite all of these efforts by the government to limit the influence and effectiveness oft he zemstvo institutions, they became centers of liberal and radical opposition to the old regime. The longing for real autonomy in local self-government persisted and could not be suppressed.

The zemstvos unfortunately never carried their liberalism far enough to advocate free trade. There were other limits to their liberalism. In 1892 they were forced to finance church schools by the procurator of the Orthodox Church. Jews once more were excluded from having anything to do with the zemstvos - probably at the behest of the church and anti-semitic bureaucrats.

Yet, in 1890 the liberals in the zemstvos revealed increasing activity. They wanted more popular representation and a central zemstvo organization to enhance their influence. Zemstvo officials addressed Nicholas II when he came to power, calling for concessions and for the rule of law and representative assemblies. But Nicholas said these were senseless dreams. When a zemstvo conference was held in 1896, any further meetings of this nature were forbidden. The zemstvos then became bolder and passed resolutions calling for compulsory school attendance and the abolition of corporal punishment. They also pushed fort he unionization of their employees, the so-called "third element."

The government soon cracked down on this unionization movement. Elected officials of the zemstvos were refused confirmation and the conventions of professional men were closely supervised. Petitions of the zemstvo assemblies were ignored. Count Witte, in 1899, argued that local self-government was incompatible with the whole idea of autocracy Communication between municipalities and the zemstvo was prohibited in 1900. Then a severe blow was delivered to zemstvo finances in 1901 when tax rates were limited to 3 percent of assessed valuation of real estate. The basic rights of the zemstvos were being whittled away bit by bit.

Despite all this, an illegal zemstvo conference was held in Moscow in 1901. Thereafter such conferences met at irregular intervals and became the chief organ of liberal opinion in the country. Many zemstvo leaders campaigned for a constitution. Many joined the underground movement. It was the zemstvos which took a lead in organizing the Union of Liberation, an important element in the revolutionary movement that led to the 1905 Revolution and beyond.
Restrictions on Ethnic, Religious and Social Groups


Blowing hot and cold - reform and reaction - can also be illustrated by taking a look at religious and ethnic policy toward the end of the 19th century. The application of orthodoxy and nationality to domestic affairs manifested itself int he intensification of administrative centralization and in the persecution of ethnic and religious minorities.

Alexander, the "Liberator" (II) was influenced by the ultra-conservative Pobedonostsev and Katkov. Pobedonostsev was the chief procurator of the church between 1880 and 1905, and the tutor of Alexander III and Nicholas II. He hated the constitution and advocated the "moral union" of autocracy and the people. Religious bigotry and nationalistic intolerance were the basic motifs of Pobedonostsev's life and policy. Katkov, a journalist, published the "Moscow News", which influenced official policy and promoted a virulent chauvinism and ultra-conservatism.

In 1881, after the assassination of Alexander II, a state of emergency statute was issued. It gave government administrators extra-judicial and wide executive powers. They could issue fines without recourse to the courts, make arrests on their own, and sequester property if they felt like it. Must legal jurisdiction was transferred to military tribunals. Schools were frequently closed. Publications which the government did not like were suspended. Officials who revealed liberal tendencies were removed. This reactionary statute was renewed repeatedly until the revolution of 1917. This trend continued and became more dominant when Tolstoy succeeded Ignatiev in the Ministry of the Interior. Tolstoy had been the reactionary minister of education under Alexander II.

The integration of local self-government with the crown administration became more or less complete. The introduction of "land captains" in 1889 and the Zemstvo Act of 1890 accomplished this purpose. Then the municipal government act of 1892 finished the process. The property franchise practically excluded most of the common people from participation in government. The bulk of the urban population was disfranchised as well. Jews were totally disfranchised. Even in the so-called "Jewish Pale," a huge Jewish ghetto in Western Russia, only one tenth of the officials were Jewish. The land captains took over from the justices of the peace. The Russian judiciary declined rapidly.

In 1881 redemption, the scheme by which the "liberated" serfs paid for the land of their former owners, was made compulsory, although joint responsibility remained until 1903. The peasants still needed consent of their former owners to get a passport to leave their villages. The redemption payments were even extended to the state peasants in 1886. The tutelage or control of the village commune remained in tact. Two thirds of the village assembly had to approve the breakup of any household. Administrative officials had to approve the sale of communal lands. Peasants could not withdraw from the commune, as the law of 1861 had stipulated, even if an individual had paid his redemption fees. The old scheme of periodic repartition of village lands, always a matter for the village assembly to decide, was now regulated by the land captains. So, for all practical purposes, the peasant of Russia was still in bondage.

As fare as the urban workers were concerned, things were no better. The government intervened in disputes between the workers and their employees when it came to wages and labor contracts. There were stiff penalties for strikes and the instigation of strikes. Factory boards and inspectors supervised everything. In 1890 the government inspectors were even given the right to permit the use of child labor and night-time work for women. The government, meanwhile, instituted a high tariff policy and constantly intervened in the free flow of the economy.

It was only natural that the government should follow all this up by introducing the censorship of newspapers and other publications. The autonomy of the universities were once more eliminated. Jewish students were denied all educational opportunities.

There was systematic persecution of ethnic minorities. In Poland and the Baltic provinces, a policy of brutal Russification was inaugurated. Pobedonostsev sent letters to the tsar full of invective against Roman Catholics, Protestants, Jews, and Russian dissenters.

The Catholic clergy of Poland was constantly persecuted. Lutheran ministers in the Baltic regions were brought under indictment for various offenses against the Orthodox Church and government authorities. An orthodox cathedral was built in Reval even though there were hardly any orthodox believers in the city.

The Russian dissenters could not build new places of worship or propagate their faith. Conversion to the dissenters brought imprisonment and even exile to Siberia, while coercive missionary work by orthodox priests was promoted. Dissenters known as "Stundists" and "Dukhobors," in particular, were severely persecuted. There were frequent punitive expeditions against them, which eventually caused most of the "Dukhobors" to leave Russia in 1899. All of this was rather more significant than it sounds, since there were some 17.5 million dissenters in Russia at the time. The legal restrictions imposed on the dissenters were not removed until the Revolution of 1905.

Anti-Semitism always thrives on nationalism and religious intolerance. And so it was in Russia. The main instigators of anti-semitism were Alexander III, Pobedonostsev, D. Tolstoy, and Plehve. There was also anti-semitism in the revolutionary movement. The "People's Will" became anti-semitic since a Jew, Jessie Helfman, had been involved in the murder of Alexander II. In 1881 a wave of pogroms broke out in nearly 100 different localities. In many instances these outbreaks were instigated by or connived at by the police.

By this time there were some 650 anti-Jewish laws on the statute books. New legal restrictions were constantly added to the books. Jews could not settle in rural districts, for instance. The Pale was constricted. Quotas for Jewish students were introduced in the schools. Jews were excluded from the legal profession, the zemstvos, and municipal governments. No Jewish craftsmen were allowed outside the Pale, while some 20,000 Jewish craftsmen were expelled from the city of Moscow in 1891.

Jews could not use Christian names to hide their religious identity. The great Jewish exodus to the United States and to Palestine began at this time. In fact, the kibbutz movement in Israel got its start from these early emigrants from Russia.






This is a reprint of an article by
Professor Gerhard Rempel, who was Professor of History at Western New England College, Springfield, Massachusetts. The lecture is provided here as it would seem to be no longer available online.







 

Related casahistoria sites on this topic:

  Background to Revolution
  1917 Revolutions
  Lenin's Russia
  Stalin's Russia 1927-39   
 
Stalin: Economics & Terror, 1927-41
 




  

 




casahistoria is recommended by:
BBC Radio 4 History Channel 4 History
BBC radio,
UK
Channel 4 TV, UK Birmingham GRID for Learning, UK UK joint university database Argentina's national paper
SBC Education
Blue Ribbon HOT site, USA
SovLit, Harvard Univ, USA
 
    
   


  v12.09  



  café historia - our news site | who we are | site map | terms | cookies policy | image use | contact us | online visitor map

Clicky

 

Google Analytics Alternative